How to slow Medicare’s escalating costs has been the big health care policy issue this month, with Republicans and Democrats offering competing proposals, each part of broader plans for reducing the federal deficit—projected to be $1.5 trillion this year, with the government borrowing 40 cents for every dollar it spends.
Unfortunately, neither the Medicare proposal of Representative Paul Ryan’s House Budget Committee, nor that offered in response by President Obama, can be considered realistic.
Both proposals do have some merits. Representative Ryan’s plan for switching Medicare to a quasi-voucher premium support program in which beneficiaries would pay part of the premium for their choice of health plan could make seniors more cost conscious and introduce more competition among insurers. President Obama’s proposed strengthening of the Independent Payment Advisory Board provision of the ACA by lowering the trigger point for IPAB action would force further efforts to reduce costs, while doing much to remove Medicare policy from lobbyist-vulnerable political considerations. Both, if implemented, would effectively guarantee that federal Medicare expenditures would drop dramatically from current projections.
Neither, however, has any chance of enactment. The Congressional Budget Office’s projection of the average 65-year-old paying more than two-thirds of the cost of Medicare coverage by 2030—and more than twice as much as under the present program—almost certainly dooms Representative Ryan’s proposal. (The CBO’s assumption of the continuation of the differential between traditional Medicare and insurers’ equivalent offerings can be questioned, but it’s the forecast of the unfortunate 65-year-old’s 68 percent share of the tab that will resonate for seniors, their lobbyists, and their political supporters.)
President Obama’s proposal is just as unlikely to succeed. Senior Republicans were scathing in their criticisms of the original IPAB provision, as further increasing bureaucratic meddling in seniors’ care, and can be assumed to be even more opposed to any strengthening of IPAB. Political considerations aside, the President’s plan faces practical problems. The ACA severely limits the scope of IPAB recommendations, specifically excluding increases in beneficiary costs, benefit restrictions, changes to eligibility criteria, or any “health care rationing.” Since the ACA also forbids most targeting of hospital and hospice rates before 2020, the major cost-control option remaining is a severe cut in physician payments (and even that is excluded if a permanent fix to the sustainable growth rate problem is enacted), something that—even if it were politically feasible—would almost certainly lead to a wholesale exit of doctors from the program.
Both proposals suffer from another problem: each would shift costs onto Medicare beneficiaries and onto non-Medicare private sector insureds, although in slightly different ways.
Representative Ryan’s proposal would require beneficiaries to contribute to the cost of insurance coverage in excess of the government voucher value. To the extent that insurers respond to beneficiaries’ expected increased cost consciousness by squeezing provider rates, it’s likely that providers will try to recoup by increasing their charges to private sector payers.
President Obama’s proposal would require IPAB to impose cost reduction strategies to meet the targets prescribed in the ACA. Whether these are simply cuts in rates or more stringent applications of “evidence-based” medical criteria, each almost certainly resulting in providers leaving Medicare, the result is likely to be many beneficiaries paying out of pocket to obtain care, and—just as for Representative Ryan’s proposal—providers increasing charges to other payers .
The two proposals have one other feature in common: they each ignore history. Representative Ryan’s plan ignores the total failure of Medicare Advantage’s insurer competition model to reduce expenditures. President Obama’s plan ignores the almost equally total failure of CMS and its predecessors to bring Medicare costs under control in any significant way, other than by reducing provider reimbursement (and anyone who believes the current proposals for Accountable Care Organizations will achieve this cost control miracle would do well to read recent critiques by Ron Klar and Jeff Goldsmith [in www.healthaffairs.org/blog]).
Roger Collier was formerly CEO of a national health care consulting firm. His experience includes the design and implementation of innovative health care programs for HMOs, health insurers, and state and federal agencies. He is editor of Health Care REFORM UPDATE.