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Narrow Networks – Part II

For the past six years, Harvard Pilgrim has offered a limited
network product to our New Hampshire members called “New Hampshire
NetOption.”  Simply put, all New Hampshire providers are Tier One
providers – lowest co-pays – and so are all Massachusetts community
hospitals.  Tier Two providers are MA-based teaching hospitals (members
have a higher co-pay for services there).  That’s it.  Two tiers – one
for NH hospitals and MA community hospitals, and a different one for
MA-based teaching hospitals.

There is, however, one catch.  All NH hospitals and their physicians
and all MA hospitals and their physicians are “in network” for this
product – except Partners.  When we set the product up, Partners chose
not to participate because the plan design treated teaching hospitals
differently than it treated community hospitals.  That’s their call. 
NBD, as my kids would say.

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The Public Program Impasse: A Proposal

Health care reform proponents could find encouragement in recent Obama administration comments on the issue of taxing health care benefits. The President, having adamantly rejected the concept during last year’s campaign (thereby violating a cardinal rule of politics: “never say anything you can’t later on claim was misinterpreted by your enemies”) indicated through White House budget director Peter Orzsag that he considered the issue very much on the table.

Since passage of health care reform is likely to require almost unanimous support by the fifty-eight Senate Dems—or maybe fifty-nine, depending on the eventual emergence of a winner from the long Minnesota winter—the President’s willingness to back down is a positive step (although sophisticated financial thinkers will note that shuffling funding sources will do nothing to reduce total costs).

What the administration’s openness to compromise also does, however, is move the spotlight onto another issue with the potential of sinking health care reform: the inclusion or otherwise of a public program option in a reform structure.

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Commentology

JR wrote to us with an interesting question:

“Given the attempt to recover bonus payments to AIG, can you envision a scenarios where CMS attempts to recover payments from physicians that they retroactively deem too high?   What if a new national standards board establishes a rate for hip replacements that is lower than what it is today?  Similar situation?  Not at all?  I’d like to see a discussion on this.”

CCHIT President Mark Leavitt likes the Obama administration’s pick for National Health IT Czar.  He left this comment on Matthew’s post on the selection.

I had the opportunity to work with David Blumenthal recently when I served on an expert panel for the health IT adoption studies. He has a deep understanding of applied health IT and, even more important, how clinicians interact with these systems in the real world. This is great news for everyone interested in advancing the use of health IT to improve quality, safety, and cost efficiency.

Commentology regular Christopher George thinks the courts missed the underlying point in both of the cases that Tobias Gilk discusses. Pharma vs. Devices – FDA, Supreme Court and Liability Whiplash

“In both of these [instances] the product was mis-administered. The
Medronic balloon was inflated above the pressure for which it was
rated; the drug was mis-administered by the nurse. In both cases, the fault lay with the doctor or nurse using the
product, not the product. There is no “failure to warn” here. The
balloon was over inflated. Every balloon, when overinflated enough will
burst. The injection was made into an artery.”

Bluementhal is new health IT czar

David Blumenthal, known slightly more for being a policy wonk than a geek (or perhaps known best for being a wonk about geek issues!), has been appointed the new Director of the Office of the National Coordinator for Health IT. No official word on Rob Kolodner’s new role, although John Halamka suggests that he’ll stay on to run the stimulus package. Don’t forget that ONC gets $2 billion as part of the HITECH bill, so someone needs to be there to manage the bureaucratic part of that.

And no, none of the five candidates pimped on THCB by Kibbe and Klepper got the job…I’m sure we’ll hear from them about Blumenthal shortly.

Don’t think anything is certain on the reform front

And in more from the “is it really bad enough out there to guarantee health reform?” front…

Pew Research is out with a poll showing that the numbers in favor of a major health care system reform are growing abut nowhere near as large as they were in 1993.

1160-1

For those of you who are real survey geeks it’s (almost) worth noticing that Harris, which asks a similar three questions about appetite for reform never got above 40% for its “rebuilding” category back in 1993. I’m not sure why these are different numbers, but the last one I saw from Harris in favor of “complete rebuilding” was at 33%.

But the answer is that support from the public is no more a dead cert than it was in 1993–4.

Those Goody Goody Canadians Not So Good

C’mon admit it: you’re sick of hearing how those goody-goody Canadians provide comprehensive health care to all, while we let an estimated 22,000 Americans die each year (http://www.urban.org/publications/411588.html ) because they don’t have coverage. Or the way their cost of prescription medications is so much lower than ours that Congress finally threw up its hands and legalized the equivalent of small-scale (prescription) drug smuggling. Heck, Canadian provinces even do comparative effectiveness research  without anyone calling them Nazis

Now comes word from the Fraser Institute in Toronto that Canadians are not so goody-goody after all. The institute puts out a peer-reviewed and risk-adjusted report card comparing hospitals in Ontario, the nation’s largest province. Last year, the first for the report, just 43 of 136 acute-care hospitals agreed to participate. This year, though, the number of participants plunged 60 percent, to just 17 hospitals, according to a story in Healthcare IT News.

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Tom Epstein, Blue Shield of California, on the hot seat

A couple of weeks ago the PR company for Blue Shield of California contacted me asking if I wanted their take on health reform. I somehow suspect that the PR flack concerned wasn’t as familiar with the California rescission issue as I am, or hadn’t checked on THCB’s extensive coverage of it

But Blue Shield of California is an odd case. CEO Bruce Bodaken has been a leader among health plans in looking towards a regulated utility model, and supporting both Arnie-Care and now Obama/Baucus-care. On the other hand, as we’ve discussed numerous times on THCB, Blue Shield has not only been as bad as the rest in terms of bad behavior in the individual market–but has also been the most aggressive of all insurers in defending its right to that behavior in the courts.

Tom Epstein, is an old Clinton White House hand who’s now running Public Affairs at Blue Shield of California. Tom was brave enough to come on THCB, discuss the good, the bad and the ugly, be frank about what they want to happen and to forecast what he thinks might happen in terms of reform, and the potential role of health plans in it. Here’s the interview and I think you’ll find it very interesting.

Pharma vs. Devices – FDA, Supreme Court and Liability Whiplash

Whiplash. I don’t know what else to call it when the US Supreme Court does a near 180° reversal on a decision from just a year ago on medical product liability. Consider the following…

On February 20th, 2008, the US Supreme Court ruled in favor of Medtronic in the case Riegel v. Medtronic. The case involved a cardiac catheter, which ruptured during surgery. Medtronic asserted (and the Court agreed) that, because the company had received premarket FDA approval for the device, the company was immune from suit in state courts. The prevailing argument was, in essence, that the rigor of the federal review and approval process trumped the individual’s right to seek judgment using the state courts.

Many supported the notion of keeping federally-regulated medical devices above the reach of state courts, but at the same time questioned whether the FDA was really capable of the safety rigor that the Court attributed to it.

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