Several blog readers have asked me to take a fresh look at all the
organizations related to ARRA and explain how it all works. Here's my
understanding:Office of the National CoordinatorThe
Obama administration's ONC is different from the Bush administration's
ONC in several ways. It's now funded with $2 billion to accelerate
healthcare IT adoption. Its new leader, Dr. David Blumenthal has a
policy focus, so we'll see broad policy guidance and specific
healthcare outcome goals rather than technology for technology's sake.
It has regulation – ARRA is law and there are several new privacy,
standards, and implementation requirements that were only voluntary or
market-driven previously. You can expect that ONC will have a major
role in coordinating federal agencies' use of healthcare IT as well as
adoption in the private sector. By controlling the definition of
meaningful use of healthcare IT as the gatekeeping function for paying
stimulus dollars to clinicians, ONC has real power.
Healthcare Unbound in Seattle, WA June 22-23
June 22-23, 2009, Seattle Airport Marriott, Seattle, WA
Register at: http://www.tcbi.org/index.php?conference=hu2009
This year's Healthcare Unbound Conference will again feature an Aging Services educational track developed in conjunction with the American Association of Homes and Services for the Aging (AAHSA) and the Center for Aging Services Technologies (CAST).
The Myth of the Cadillac Plan
Last week’s White House meeting on health care reform re-floated the idea of taxing employer-provided health benefits to help pay for insuring the uninsured. Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT), chairman of the powerhouse Senate Finance Committee, told reporters after the meeting that the president “might consider” taxing some employer-provided benefits, even though President Obama “‘made it very clear’ that he preferred his own revenue proposals,” according to the New York Times.
The idea of taxing health benefits has drawn strong support from many progressives. Eyeing the potential to raise $680 billion in revenue over five years (the health benefits tax exclusion now dwarfs the home mortgage deduction, whose repeal would only raise $444 billion over the same period), the liberal Center for Budget and Policy Priorities issued a new report calling for limiting the health care exclusion because “universal coverage may be out of reach otherwise.” Jon Cohn, writing in his debut Kaiser Health News, column, endorsed the idea earlier this week with a slap at unionized workers “whose employers give them blue-chip coverage.”
But are there really a lot of Cadillac plans out there? That gratuitous slap ignores the reality of today’s insurance marketplace. Employer-based plans pool risk for members of that plan only. Whom do you think has the high-cost “blue-chip” health insurance coverage — a newly opened, foreign-owned auto assembly whose average employee is 35 years old and has been hired because of his perfect health, or a General Motors plant whose average worker is 55 and has suffered through the stress of multiple layoffs and multiple plant closing threats over the past two decades? The only thing “Cadillac” in the health insurance costs of that GM worker is the nameplate of the car rolling off the assembly line. His higher premiums are a direct function of he and his co-workers’ higher claims, not more generous benefits.
In pushing for removing the tax deduction, the CBPP report at least pointed to the necessary adjustments that would have to occur to make the new tax truly progressive. High-cost groups would have to be protected by not allowing insurance companies to set higher prices based on either an employer’s size (thus protecting small business, which usually has higher rates because of higher administrative costs) or the health status of a firm’s employees. This is called community rating, which can only be enforced by a strong regulator.
The exclusion’s removal would also have to take geographical variation into account. Making the insured pay higher taxes because they live in areas with high health care costs punishes the victim, not the beneficiaries of those higher health care expenses, which are hospitals, physicians and medical suppliers who collect the fees for the often useless procedures offered in high-cost areas.
The idea of removing the income tax deduction as a way of raising revenue for insuring the uninsured has just one compelling argument behind it. It’s a form of progressive taxation. Because tax rates are higher on higher income, the tax exclusion for health benefits is much more valuable to high-income employees than low-income employees. Removing the exclusion only for those with high incomes would amount to a progressive redistribution of income from the upper class to the working class, good economics because of the unequal distribution of income in our society, but very bad politics. Taxing the rich to pay for a new entitlement — universal health care — may appeal to liberals and the left, but can be easily attacked by opponents of reform.
Indeed, couple its redistribution effects with the likelihood that Congress will be reluctant to impose tight regulation of the insurance industry and cost-control measures to offset geographic variation, repealing the health benefits tax exclusion could engender an angry backlash from already insured workers. I can already see the next round of Harry and Louise commercials, funded by opponents of reform. The 85 percent of working Americans who are privately insured will be told ad nauseum that the only benefit they’re going to get from health care reform is a higher tax bill on top of their already skyrocketing co-pays and deductibles.
By the numbers, on single payer the Democrats are wussies
Now before I explain why I say the Democrats are girlie-men, let me say three quick things.
1. I am not a supporter of Medicare-for-all, or Canadian style, single-payer (or anything primarily based on fee-for-service payment) although they are both clearly superior to the American status quo. (I am in favor of real universal insurance, but that’s different and less limited than just single payer).
2. It’s still only 50–50 that we’ll get any reform this year, and what we will get will basically be an expansion of one of the worst-designed government programs—Medicaid—mixed with some very modest regulation of the worst behavior of the private insurance companies. And with the exemptions to the individual mandate and for small business at best we’ll get to around 95% coverage—and that’s not counting the undocumented immigrants, who are about another 3–5% of the population and who will still get care and thus still have to be paid for somehow. And the likely Kennedy/Baucus compromise plan has no sustainable insurance payment structure that I can see.
3. The data is a little murky and all sides kinda cheat with polling data (and bankruptcy data too).
But imagine for a moment that Dick Cheney & George W. Bush had 60 votes in the Senate, a disgraced opposition, and carte blanche to do what they liked because of a real national crisis (In other words a much better political situation than they faced in 2001 & 2003).
And imagine that there was a policy that their party’s supporters overwhelmingly favored. Do you think for a moment that they’d be looking for compromise even if what they were doing was egregiously and clearly wrong in both terms of public policy and fairness? For instance, cutting tax rates on dividends to less than half what poor suckers who work for a living have to pay, even though the benefits went largely to millionaires and billionaires. Or even worse eliminating estate taxes, when the benefits went only to millionaires and billionaires.
Actually we don’t have to imagine. We know what Cheney/Bush did. They passed the legislation they wanted, and damn the rest of us. And then did it with way less political clout than Obama has—Bush didn’t even win the election after all in the way most of us understand (err…by getting more votes than the other guy).
Now imagine that there’s a policy that polls show at least 35% and (depending who you believe) perhaps up to 60% of all Americans want, and that the same polls show that a vast majority of Democrats want it. And of course Obama’s political situation is way stronger than the Cheney Administration’s was.
In that situation and if they had a different political philosophy, wouldn’t the Cheney Administration just ram through single payer?
So by the numbers, in not even considering the single payer option (not even Kennedy’s plan comes close), the Democrats are proving themselves to be wussies.
CODA: I changed one letter in one word of this piece so that the humorless crowd in the comments didn’t detract from the real offensive stuff going on here–50 million un and under-insured with no political will to do anything serious about it. But if the comments don’t make sense, my original defense is in there too.
Are Today’s EMRs Up to the Job?
This post is a bit different from most of the policy points, institutional cases and reports of technical innovations that I’ve been reading on THCB in the past months. I want to pose the above Question to the readers of this blog, since many of you are uniquely positioned help answer it in your comments. And I have a hope that your responses to this Question will help nuance the technical and policy debate over EMR adoption.
First, let’s unpack the Question:
1. THE JOB. In the past several years, a number of public and private initiatives, most recently ABMS’s Improving Performance in Practice (a project with which I am affiliated) and NCQA’s Patient Centered Medical Home, have been making fitful progress toward a new post-reform model of primary care: patient-centered, accessible, care-coordinating, population-focused, prepared, proactive, and the rest. These collaboratives and demonstration projects have all stressed the importance of computerized ‘registry functions’ as the foundation for these progressive capabilities. One, the Health Disparities Collaboratives run by HRSA, went so far as to commission a registry program and provide it free to participating clinics.Continue reading…
MedPac on Steroids
I’ve long argued that Medicare reform will pave the way for healthcare reform, and that the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission’s (MedPac’s) recommendations could serve as a brilliant blue print for overhauling Medicare. (Also see our Century Foundation report on Getting More Value From Medicare).
Now President Obama appears to be backing a proposal that would empower MedPac to realize its vision for reform. Earlier this week, in a White House meeting with Senate Democrats, the president reportedly “went out of his way” to mention a bill, introduced by Senator Jay Rockefeller ( D-W.Va) that would move decisions about Medicare benefits away from Congress, by turning MedPAC into an independent executive agency. Currently, MedPac is an independent panel that advises Congress. It has no formal power. But under Rockefeller’s bill it would be able to implement its recommendations and fund policy initiatives.
Wednesday afternoon, the White House announced that the President has gone a step further by releasing a letter from President Obama to Senators Max Baucus and Ted Kennedy. The letter extends the remarks that the president made yesterday, which came close to endorsing Rockefeller’s bill. Writing to Kennedy and Baucus, the President indicated that the administration could find another $200 to $300 billion for health care reform, linking that proposal to “giving special consideration to the recommendations of the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission” (MedPAC), “a commission,” he noted, “created by a Republican Congress . . . Under this approach,” the president continued, “MedPAC’s recommendations on cost reductions would be adopted unless opposed by a joint resolution of the Congress. This is similar to a process that has been used effectively by a commission charged with closing military bases, and could be a valuable tool to help achieve health care reform in a fiscally responsible way.”
These savings, he added, “will come not only by adopting new technologies and addressing the vastly different costs of care [in different parts of the country], but from going after the key drivers of skyrocketing health care costs, including unmanaged chronic diseases, duplicated tests, and unnecessary hospital readmissions.”
Giving MedPac the Authority to Take the Politics Out of Fees for Doctors & Hospitals
Under Senator Rockefeller’s bill, MedPac would have the authority to set reimbursements for doctors and hospitals. As Rockefeller explained in a recent Senate Finace Committee meeting: “I think that [this is] the best way to take politics out of all of this is to take Congress out of the setting of reimbursements for doctors under Medicare and Medicaid and for hospitals, because there is a group of 17 . . . completely dispassionate people,” who could do this, Rockefeller explained, referring to MedPac.
“And I think one of the [reasons] you have your $700 billion of wasted money every year,” Rockefeller added, “is the fact that there are too many political judgments made because there’s too much lobbying and Congress can — you know, unless they’re all health care experts, can fall victim to that. So the idea of MedPAC having the power to set those fees, reimbursement fees, to me is enormously attractive, takes politics right out of it and takes Congress right out of it.”
At the hearing, White House budget director Peter Orszag indicated circumspect support for Rockefeller’s bill: “Your idea of — I think we’ve referred to it as MedPac on steroids, or a much more powerful role for a body that is widely respected– is one approach.”
What Exactly Does MedPac Recommend?
Until now, most reform advocates have ignored MedPac. The reports that the independent advisory panel issues in March and June of each year are long. They are dense with detail. And they are very, very smart. The commissioners understand that health care quality could be higher if we spent less on care.
They have digested the Dartmouth research revealing that when patients in some parts of the country receive more aggressive and more expensive care, outcomes often are worse. They realize that doctors and hospitals should be rewarded for the quality of the care they provide, not the quantity. As HealthBeat has reported, they know that the fee schedule that Medicare now follows favors specialists while underpaying primary care physicians, and they have suggested re-distributing Medicare’s dollars “in a budget neutral way”– hiking fees for primary care while lowering fees for some specialists’ services. They have pointed out that some very lucrative procedures appear to be done too often, in part because they pay so well. The Commission has advised targeting these procedures and comp ring them to alternative treatments—just in case a less expensive approach might turn out to be more effective (and not as risky for the patient), as pricier, more aggressive treatments.
Finally, MedPac notes that some hospitals actually make a profit on Medicare’s payments. This is because these hospitals are more efficient: patients typically spend fewer days in the hospital and see fewer specialists. There are fewer readmissions, And generally, outcomes are better. MedPac suggests that when private insurers pay hospitals more, they may simply be rewarding less efficient hospitals for lower quality care. (And of course, private insurers pass those higher payments along to their customers in the form of higher premiums.)
MedPac goes beyond looking at how we pay providers. Investigating Medicare Advantage, it has described the care that private insurers are providing as somewhere between “disappointing” and “depressing.” Taking a look at the boom in hospital construction, MedPac noted, in its March 2008 report that “much of the added capacity is located in suburban areas and in particular specialties, raising the possibility that health care costs will increase without significantly improving access to services in lower income areas”. (Here, I can’t help but think about the current controversy over whether Hackensack University Medical Center should be building a new for-profit facility in a nearby suburb.)
As for the drug industry, in its June 2008 report to Congress MedPac observed that “researchers have shown that bias in industry-sponsored trials is common.” Because we lack disinterested, “evidence-based” information about new products, MedPac noted “we do not know which treatments are necessary for which types of patients. Guidelines do not exist . . . to delineate how much care is typically needed . . . and when patients are unlikely to improve with additional treatment.” In the same report, MedPac cast a cold eye on just how quickly we adopt bleeding-edge medical product and procedures to treat “most common clinical conditions” without “credible, empirically based information” to tell us “whether they outperform existing treatments and to what extent.” In other words, we need unbiased comparative effectiveness research. Those who make a profit on new products and procedures should not be involved.
These are exactly the radical but truthful recommendations that would make any well-paid health care lobbyist shudder. No wonder the Bush administration ignored MedPac’s advice for eight years.
Now, a new White House is taking MedPac’s recommendations to heart. And Congressional leaders also seem to recognize the link between Medicare reform and national healthcare reform. In April, HealthBeat reported that Senate Finance Chairman Max Baucus had declared that Medicare would become “the big driver” behind national health reform. Now, it’s becoming clear what Baucus meant.
Maggie Mahar is an award winning journalist and author. A frequent contributor to THCB, her work has appeared in Barron’s and Institutional Investor. She is the author of “Money-Driven Medicine: The Real Reason Why Healthcare Costs So Much,” an examination of the economic forces driving the healthcare system, and the increasingly influential HealthBeat blog, one of our favorite health care reads and where this piece first appeared.
Do the Dems Have the Money to Pay for Reform?
Robert Laszweski has been a fixture in Washington
health policy circles for the better part of three decades. He
currently serves as the president of Health Policy and Strategy
Associates of Alexandria, Virginia. You can read more of his thoughtful
analysis of healthcare industry trends at The Health Policy and Marketplace Blog.
If I knew anything about computer graphics I'd post this really neat picture of a meter–sort of like a your car's gas gauge.
The full point would represent the cost of a health care bill–somewhere in the $1.2 trillion to $1.5 trillion range.
Each time someone put up scoreable savings I'd post it toward achieving the ultimate objective.
So, you will have to imagine my meter.
Here's where I think we stand today.
First, the President's original budget proposing to cut $309 billion over ten years from providers–including a lot from Medicare HMOs and elder care providers–looks to me to be on track to end up in any final bill and scoreable.
So, I feel pretty confident about posting $309 billion on my health care reform meter–the tank is about a quarter full.
Michael Porter–seduced, converted, or bludgeoned into accepting reality?
What a difference a few years makes. Michael Porter is the Harvard Business School prof who charged into health care a few years back. He (with Elizabeth Teisberg) wrote a book called Redefining Health Care which suggested how all kinds of changes on the delivery side of health care would solve all of our problems. Those changes were not exactly secrets to people who, say, read Michael Millenson’s Demanding Medical Excellence—a much better book written ten years earlier which explained why radical change on the delivery system side wasn’t going to happen. The answer?
It’s the Incentives, stupid.
Calendar: NIH Conference on the Future of Telehealth June 25-26, 2009
The National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) at the National Institutes of Health (NIH), in collaboration with Internet2 and the American Telemedicine Association presents: The Future of Telehealth: Essential Tools and Technologies for Clinical Research and Care
This two-day event will bring together stakeholders from government agencies, academic institutions, health care organizations and technology companies to:
- Review the state of telehealth science and technology
- Identify gaps in knowledge that can be addressed through targeted research and evaluation initiatives
- Explore ways to leverage evolving information and communication technologies to advance the field
Catalyzing the app store for EHRs
Dr. Lumpkin serves as director of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s Health Group, where he is responsible for planning and program management. Prior to joining RWJ, Dr. Lumpkin led the Illinois Department of Public Health for 12 years. As assistant vice president, Downs plays a leading role on the Foundation’s Pioneer Portfolio team. During his tenure at the Foundation he has created, developed, or overseen the Foundation’s investments in such key initiatives as Project HealthDesign, InformationLinks, the Health e-Technologies Initiative, the Public Health Informatics Institute, Connecting for Health, and Common Ground. His writings may be found at Pioneering Ideas, where this post first appeared.
Recently, Steve posted about the idea, floated by Ken Mandl and Zak Kohane, that EHRs (or health IT more broadly) could move to a model of competitive, substitutable applications running off a platform that would provide secure medical record storage. In other words, the iPhone app model, but, for example, you could have an e-prescribing app that runs over an EHR instead of the Yelp restaurant review app on your iPhone. We’re thinking about the provider side of the market here, as Google Health and Microsoft HealthVault are already doing this on the consumer side.Continue reading…