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Tag: Policy

HEALTH PLANS/POLICY: John Igleheart is a pussy

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In a Conversation With Larry C. Glasscock, the CEO of Wellpoint, John  Igleheart has either been massively restricted by Glasscock’s PR handlers or has revealed himself to be a complete pussy.

A little history: having been a senior exec at CareFirst (Blues of DC), Glasscock took over the fast growing regional Blues plans based around Anthem BCBS in Indiana, took them for-profit and made himself a fortune. A great American success story.

He then merged Anthem with the big other for-profit Blues agglomeration, Wellpoint which was run by Len Schaeffer, in 2005. I’ve had a fair bit to say about the variance between Len Schaeffer’s high-fallooting rhetoric and the actual on the ground performance of his company. Glasscock appears no better. And in many ways, he’s been much worse.

I’m not saying that Igleheart should necessarily have gone after him for the fact alone that he made $25m last year (not to mention the millions more in stock)—after all Wellpoint stock has done very well. But given that certain other health plan CEOs are in some hot water for their outright greed and fraudulent behavior, it might just have come up.

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POLITICS/TECH: Fame and fortune and everythingthat goes with it

Today, (Monday) I’ll be on local NPR in San Francisco talking about what the Democrats may (or more likely, may not) do about health care in the new Congress. It’s on the Your Call show on 91.7 KALW at 10am and yes it has the politics you’d expect of a San Francisco NPR station, so I’ll be the right winger on the show! You can tune in or listen here.

And on Tuesday I’ll be talking at the Northern California Chapter of HIMSS in San Ramon about the PHR. It’s a good line-up and I’ll be reporting back on the smell of sulphur!

POLICY/HEALTH PLANS: Yet more debatable data on CDHPs

HSC’s John Gabel (kind of a “neutral” in the debate) is out with a new study suggesting something that I think is true. The take up of CDHPs by workers offered them in a choice with other products (HMOs. PPOs) is slow. And that’s because they’re not being appropriately compensated with premium reductions in their take-home pay to off-set the much higher-deductibles.

And of course this goes back to how employees buy their health care in the first place—mostly unconsciously via their employers, not knowing the actual cost of their premiums. If you want a long lecture on why this makes employees poor purchasers of insurance, attend any Alain Enthoven Stanford Business School class.

The likely evolution of all this is that workers will find the deductibles and co-pays for their PPO and HMO products increasing to the level of the HDHPs pretty soon. That’s how employers will “get out” of health care benefits—until the possible day when they all look at each other and say “OK let’s drop them totally and let the government take over.” Which is what they all want, but no one is quite ready to make the first move.

But because the HDHP is becoming an evolution of the PPO product that already exists, the argument will about choice will soon be moot. Karen Ignagni may well say that all (or actually 30%) the new small employer HDHP buyers were uninsured, but it’s pretty obvious that most (70%) of the new HDHP wielding employees were people with PPOs before who are being forced into HDHPs by their employers. And that’s certainly what’s happening with Intel and other larger employers who are “offering” HDHPs.

However this news release is most remarkable for this quote from Ignagni: “Ignagni said the plans are popular in certain niches but that it was too soon to say if they will gain wide acceptance.” She’s actually telling the truth! Mark that one down in your diary.

POLICY/POLITICS/HEALTH PLANS: A Stark future for private health plans in Medicare?

Here’s the SF Chronicle on Pete Stark’s opinion about Medicare Advantage

Boiled down, Stark’s contention — based on a new Commonwealth Fund foundation study — is that the private firms are being paid 12.4 percent more per patient than government-run Medicare to provide the same level of services. In 2005, Medicare Advantage plans, originally created based on the contention that private industry could provide service for less than the government, were overpaid an average of $922 per enrollee, for a total cost to taxpayers of $5.2 billion.The payments “are not a mistake,” Stark charged. “Republicans are overpaying Medicare HMOs as part of a deliberate effort to shift beneficiaries into private plans. The Republicans’ ultimate goal is the privatization of Medicare, complete with a voucher system that leaves seniors to fend for themselves,” he added.The industry questioned the methodology of the study Stark used to make his charge and said that Medicare Advantage plans actually save money by injecting competition into the Medicare system, which covers about 43 million Americans. Figures from the America’s Health Insurance Plans trade group estimate that Medicare Advantage participants save on average $82 a month, compared to what they would pay in the traditional Medicare program. That comes to total savings of more than $6.8 billion annually, the group estimates.

And like the good politicians they are AHIP just changes the subject (See the release for a typical piece of Karen Ignagni’s tenuous relationship with the truth)..

Err, guys, it’s not whether the enrolled seniors are paying less in deductibles and co-pays that Stark is worried about. He knows that the private plans are cross-subsidizing those beneficiary costs (along with gym memberships et al) from the vast profits they’re making on them. It’s the taxpayer who’s paying more, as way too many GAO reports have shown (and now the somewhat more biased but no less true Commonwealth Fund report shows).

So the key question that the private plans need to be focusing on, especially as they are staring risk adjustment in the face anyway is, can they genuinely save money over the FFS on a non-risk selection basis by improving the efficiency and quality of the care they manage? Currently as the details of the report make clear, the risk adjustment has been hidden by an overall increase in the payments, and by the double inclusion of some other technical payments, such as the indirect amounts Medicare pays for medical education.

But surely that can’t last under any scenario. Logically in the high cost states like New York and Florida, making genuine savings over Medicare FFS—given the huge unnecessary care delivered and reported on by the Dartmouth crowd—must be achievable. Those savings should include decent profits for the private plans. They shouldn’t need extra payments to make it worth their while being in the market. If the private plans cannot prove that pretty damn quick, then they need to be prepared to get out—in a replay of the early 2000s. And Stark may want some of his (our!) money back!

POLICY: For Make Benefit Glorious Nation of California By John Irvine

The first shots in the fight over California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s health care reform proposal were fired last week. The Los Angeles Times reported that a team of advisers is working to develop the proposal, which will probably be unveiled during Schwarzenegger’s state of the state address in January. The news had led to a pretty serious hoo ha.  Liberals are worried that the plan will look a lot like the helpful proposal drafted by America’s Health Insurance Plans. Conservatives, on the other hand, are concerned that Schwarzenegger could get carried away in his enthusiasm to appeal to moderate voters and end up producing something that could hurt California’s businesses.

What should we expect? The backgrounds of the advisers who are helping Schwarzenegger produce the plan may give us some hints. As it turns out, three of the four are Democrats. One recently left his position at McKesson government relations. In his piece this week, the California Health care Foundation’s George Lauer described the makeup of the team:

Richard Figueroa, former
legislative director for Insurance Commissioner John Garamendi and
former aide to former Gov. Gray Davis (D).

John
Ramey, former executive director of the Managed Risk Medical Insurance
Board, deputy secretary and assistant secretary of the Health and
Welfare Agency, and chief of staff for the Department of Health
Services. Since 2000, Ramey, a Republican, has been principal and
partner of Ramey, Macomber & Associates a Sacramento firm
specializing in health care and health insurance contracts.

Herb
Schultz, former deputy director of the state Department of Managed
Health Care, most recently vice president of government programs at
McKesson Health Solutions. Schultz also served as acting director of
the California Employment Development Department and acting secretary
and undersecretary for the Labor and Workforce Development Agency.

Daniel Zingale, chief of staff for first lady Maria Shriver and former director of the Department of Managed Health Care.

A lot of people have focused on the possibility that the plan will look a lot like the proposal produced by former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney. The critics say the idea probably wouldn’t replicate well in California for many reasons. (Short explanation: California is a lot bigger than Massachusetts.)  Adopting a variant of the Romney proposal would also be a form of endorsement for Romney, who plans to run for the White House in 2008.

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QUALITY/POLICY/TECH: Quick notes from the road

Apologies to those who’ve missed me. I’ve been lost in the mid-west taking part in some scenario planning about the big picture future of health care. I can’t give you any details (at least not yet) but it did involve me spending lots of time with a bunch of business association lobbyists who’s views on health care, shall we say, the average THCB reader wouldn’t expect me to share.

In the informal conversations, across the board there was, however, one huge topic of agreement amongst the boomers I met. They wanted themselves and their parents to die at home with palliative care; they felt that current end of life care verges not only on the irrational in terms of resource use, but also on the inhumane. And they think that within a decade, we will be having that conversation and forcing that set of opinions onto our medical providers. Who presumably will be rather more willing to hear us out, rather than insisting on engaging in those heroic measures that, the group felt, todays providers feel they must perform.

One other quick thing. Wednesday, Intel, BP and WalMart announced a PHR initiative, which I believe is being largely led by JD Klienke’s group in Oregon. On that topic I’m giving a talk to HIMSS N.California in San Ramon on Tuesday on the topic of PHRs. Also talking will be Kate Christensen from Kaiser Permanente, and Holly Miller from the Cleveland Clinic. I personally think this should be an interesting opportunity to hear a range of views and understand some developments in major PHR deployments from providers (and of course I’ll be witty and brilliant, just as soon as I’ve put my talk together). But apparently according to at least one other blogger, I’ve misunderstood it all, and really I’m just being a PR flack for the devil worshipers at KP central. I’ll report back as to whether the place still smells of sulphur.

 

POLICY: New York Trans Fat Debate Heats Up

The Wall Street Journal reports that McDonalds and other
fast food businesses
are engaged in a last minute drive to convince health
officials in New York City to “soften” the proposed ban on trans fats in restaurants
in the five boroughs. According to the Journal, McLobbyists have approached city council member Peter Vallone and asked him to sponsor a competing measure
that would give the industry more time to make the switch over to healthier
cooking oils. Quoting from WSJ’er Janet Adamy’s piece:

The city’s board of health is scheduled to vote Tuesday on
whether to force city restaurants, from fast-food outlets to servers of haute
cuisine, to eventually remove all but a trace of artery-clogging trans fat from
the food they cook. It’s not certain yet how the board will vote, but people
following the process say the board appears likely to approve the measure.

A New York City ban would place the most significant
restrictions yet on trans fat in the U.S. since health officials began warning
of its dangers years ago. Restaurant chains will feel pressure to more quickly
replace oils in their outlets across the country, since the companies get the
most efficiency and consistency by cooking with a single recipe. Other cities
probably would follow New York.

          — John Irvine

POLICY/POLITICS/PHARMA: PhRMA sends the D out on the field

Even thought the White House will likely veto any change to Part D, the WSJ has started playing desperate defense on behalf of PhRMA.

Apparently if we impose government price controls, it’ll cripple R&D and no new drug will ever be developed. On the other hand, they also trot out the “fact” that Part D as constructed now means that the private sector has the ability to lower prices below those that the government could get. Of course we’ve heard all this before, and we all know who wrote Part D and in whose interests it was written.

But what I wonder is how can the WSJ’s Jane Zhang hold those two contradictory thoughts in her head without smoke coming out of her ears?

Meanwhile, here’s the NY Times on big Pharma’s attempts to buy its way out of the problem. It’ll certainly make some former Democratic staffers much richer!

POLICY: Maryland plan mandates coverage

Maryland is considering a plan that would require residents to purchase health insurance. Very similar on the surface to the Massachusetts plan, but with a few key differences.  Via Balt Sun:

The plan would be a radical change from the current system of employers
choosing which health plans to offer to workers. It would set up an
insurance exchange where individuals could choose from any plans
offered by insurers and keep the same coverage when moving from job to
job.

The plan wouldn’t apply to large employers, but the cutoff on employer size hasn’t been set.Employers would pay much of the cost, with each employer setting a
dollar figure it would contribute toward the purchase. And the state
would provide a subsidy for lower-income workers.
   

The Maryland Health plan doesn’t include any mandate on employers –
making it different from the Massachusetts law. But Cowdry said
"individual responsibility would put greater pressure on employers" to
"be in the game" by contributing to insurance coverage.

If the idea actually goes anywhere, Maryland would become the second state to embrace the idea of mandated coverage.  Given the amount of attention and credibility Romney has gained by taking credit for coming up with the idea, it seems inevitable that more states will launch similar experiments. So who will be next?  In California, Arnold’s office has been hinting that a major health care policy announcement of some kind is on the way. I wonder if they could be planning something along similar lines. — John Irvine

POLICY: What Would Dubya Do?

So I’m up at Spot-on asking if you really wanted to get to universal care and reward your base, what type of political moves would you have to make. In other words, What Would Dubya Do?

Comment back here if you like.

In the last week the Democrats must have gotten sick of being told that they are supposed to be moderates. The New York Times tells them that populism should trump ideology, the nut jobs on the right still think that they are the second coming of Lenin,
and the corporate-friendly Emmanuel faction is already starting the
fight with the Dean "net roots". Which is why I’m on the record as
saying that no radical health-care reform will happen in the balance of
this decade.

When you look at domestic issues, of course, health care is by
a mile the most important, and the party’s presumptive 2008
presidential candidate Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, has, shall we say, a history in the area.
But realistically all that will happen in the next two years is for
Congress to give the administration the right – but presumably not the
obligation – to directly negotiate with drug companies about Medicare
prescription drug pricing. There’s also the likelihood that Congress
will approve a reduction in the bonus profits currently offered to
private insurance plans by the 2003 Medicare Act. But it’s just as
likely that the drug pricing measure will be vetoed by President Bush,
although the cuts in Medicare private insurer reimbursement will likely
be part of a budget act which the President will probably sign. Continue

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