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Tag: Insurance

State vs. National Exchanges – Why it Matters

Does it matter whether health insurance exchanges are state-level or national? I used to think that it wasn’t a major issue, but my opinion has changed.

During the health reform debate early in 2009, I thought that other exchange design issues were more important than whether they are organized at the state or national level. In my view, who is eligible to join (all small business employees or just those who receive subsidies?), whether the exchange is the exclusive market for individuals and small groups, and how the exchange will be protected from an adverse selection “death spiral” are critical design features and will determine whether the exchanges are successful.

It seemed to me that the arguments put forward by advocates of a national exchange were not compelling. The most common argument was that a national exchange was needed in order to gain sufficient size, which would supposedly give the exchange more bargaining power with health insurers. But I always thought that size was more important at the local level. Health insurers negotiate provider contracts locally, not nationally, and they gain leverage based on their size locally regardless of how big they are nationwide. In addition, the “bargaining power” argument is relevant only if the exchange is negotiating rates with insurers. In an “all comers” model, the exchange isn’t negotiating rates; it relies on healthy competition among insurers to drive down premiums.

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Why buy insurers stocks, When the Obama health bill would bankrupt them?

Don Johnson

On Monday, liberals sneered when insurers’ stocks rose, indicating that speculators thought ObamaCare (HR 3590) would be good for the big regional companies. But today several of the stocks are sinking, probably in response to University of Chicago Professor Richard A. Epstein’s op-ed piece in The Wall Street Journal, “Harry Reid turns insurance into a public utility; the health bill creates a massive cash crunch and then bankruptcies for many insurers.”

Here are charts for AET, CI, CVH, HS, HUM, UNH and WLP. Click on a chart for more information. The stocks that are sinking serve the individual and small group markets. Those that are rising are less invested in those markets, I think.

Now, the big companies might benefit from having smaller insurers that serve individuals and small employers bankrupted. But they would be crushed by new regulations and price controls that would not allow them to make profits. Nothing in the bill says insurers should be allowed to earn market returns. That means they’re as likely to go bankrupt as the smaller insurers.

Epstein’s impact graph:

The perils of the Reid bill are made evident in a recent Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report that focused on the bill’s rebate program, which holds that once an insurance company spends more than 10% of its revenues on administrative expenses, its customers are entitled to an indefinite statutory rebate determined by state regulatory authorities subject to oversight by the Secretary of Health and Human Services. Defining these administrative costs is a royal headache, but everyone agrees that they are heaviest in the small group and individual markets, where they typically range between 25% and 30%, without the new regulatory hassles.

Equally important, Epstein writes, the bill would turn insurers into heavily regulated utilities without giving them the right to make market rate returns on investments, which is unconstitutional.

That the bill appears unconstitutional may be good news for insurers, but think of the uncertainty that investors in insurers will face for years as the courts take their time deciding the case.

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How Will the Senate Bill Impact the Insurance Companies and Their Customers?

How will the Senate bill impact health insurance companies and their customers?

Even better, how will it impact a not-for-profit health plan–one with a reputation for being a “good guy” that continually wins the country’s top awards for member services and with historic profits of less than 1% of premium? And, one that is operating in Massachusetts–a market that has already been through much of this?

I will suggest that, in combination, these are three intriguing questions.

That is why I thought that the Harvard Pilgrim’s CEO’s recent post on their website was important. It is short, direct, and to the point. And, from everything I know, it is bang-on.

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Improving the Harvest: Farming and Health Care

I love Atul Gawande’s writings on health care.

He has a rare talent for describing technical details of health care, insurance and finances in terms that most people can understand. His recent article in the New Yorker discussed the current health reform bills’ approach to curbing costs, using the agricultural industry as a potential model.

One of his basic points is similar to one I have made before. He describes two kinds of problems: “those which are amenable to a technical solution and those which are not. Universal health care coverage belongs to the first category . . . Problems of the second kind [referring to rising health care costs], by contrast, are never solved, exactly; they are managed.”

I would frame it somewhat differently. The two basic kinds of problems are those, which are amenable to a government solution, and those which are best addressed using decentralized market forces.

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Convergence and the Death of the Public Option

Tim-greaneySo maybe the two parties are coming together on health reform after all. Last night we learned that after days of “secret talks” among the “gang of ten” the Democrats have reached agreement to restructure their health care proposal. The changes are significant:

– ditch the already-watered-down public option plan;

– create a new insurance exchange “option” for individuals and small groups consisting of a nonprofit plan as negotiated by the Office of Personnel Management;

– expand Medicare eligibility to cover uninsured individuals aged 55-64.

What does the Democrats’ “public option ultralight” compromise have in common with Republicans’ alternative universe? Well, consider the latter’s proposal to open interstate competition for all health insurers–a move they promise will immediately lower health care costs. Besides being shameless attempts to offer simple solutions to complex problems, the two proposals are guilty of the same fundamental misunderstanding of health insurance. Simply put, they both ignore a critical economic truth of health insurance today: insurers require a provider network of hospitals and doctors or must have market leverage in order to negotiate for lower provider prices and for controls on excessive volume.

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Death by a Thousand Cuts

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) issued a report today saying that if the Reid bill becomes law, the price of non group policies would be about 10 percent to 13 percent higher in 2016 than it would be under current law. The CBO projects that small group and large group premiums would be about the same in 2016 as they would have been anyway as the benefits of the bill would offset some of its new costs.

But what is likely to happen to health insurance rates in 2010, 2011, 2012, and 2013 before any of the bill’s benefits occur for both the insurance markets and consumers?

I would suggest Democrats not overlook the potential for political fallout in those years.

By delaying the start of most health insurance reform benefits—including insurance subsidies and underwriting reforms—until January 1, 2014 the Reid health care bill creates a real risk of unintended political consequences for the Democrats.

Or, maybe I should have said almost certain consequences that Reid may not have thought of.

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Good Intentions Aren’t Enough with Health Care Reform

Sarah-palinFormer Alaska Governor Sarah Palin’s widely publicized comments on death panels and  rationing this August were among the opening shots of an unprecedented national fight over health care reform. At the time, few sober analysts would have predicted that Palin’s criticisms would gain traction. Yet, they found a receptive audience among conservative opponents of the Obama administration’s health care reform plans, triggering an ugly battle between supporters of reform and right wing opponents.This weekend, Gov. Palin returned to the healthcare debate with another post to her official Facebook page that touches on the talking points you’re likely to hear in the months to come from Republican critics of the Obama administration’s health care reform efforts.  In the spirit of debate we are republishing the post in its entirety. — John Irvine

Now that the Senate Finance Committee has approved its health care bill, it’s a good time to step back and  take a look at the long term consequences should its provisions be enacted into law.

The bill prohibits insurance companies from refusing coverage to people with pre-existing conditions and from charging sick people higher premiums. [1] It attempts to offset the costs this will impose on insurance companies by requiring everyone to purchase coverage, which in theory would expand the pool of paying policy holders.Continue reading…

Silly Season: Monty Python Policy Making

Editor’s Note: Ian Morrison today makes his first contribution to THCB. Ian was President of Institute for the Future where I learned my health care consulting trade in the 1990s. A more amusing boss one couldn’t have hoped to have and he never minded me (or half of health care) shamelessly stealing his jokes–although his Scottish brogue always gave them a zing none of us can quite match. Ian’s now a full time speaker/writer/futurist and he gave THCB his view of the health care debate, interpreted logically through the lens of Monty Python’s Flying Circus–Matthew Holt

Now we are down to the really fun part of healthcare reform, when they actually write the final bill and figure out ways to pay for it.  And to honor the 40th Anniversary of Monty Python’s Flying Circus’s debut, Congress and the Administration have entered the silly season where final policy is turned into law.

I love the American healthcare system, not because it is the best in the world, but it is the funniest. The laughs keep coming.  Here are a couple of my latest favorites.

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What’s Next? Follow the Money

By ROBERT LASZEWSKI

With the passage of the Senate Finance bill the health care effort now moves to a critical stage with the Senate Majority Leader and the House Speaker now clearly in charge. The more important effort will be Reid’s. Pelosi’s final product will be more predictable (very liberal) but Reid’s will have to be more practical. Every inch Reid moves away from the more moderate Baucus bill will cause problems.

The big issue is going to be money—just whose taxes are going to get raised to the tune of $500 billion to pay for it.

The Senate Finance bill has the $211 billion “Cadillac” benefits tax. Dead on arrival. No way the party that put the unions ahead of the Chrysler bondholders is going to cross their traditional allies on this one. The $40 billion tax on medical device makers is also under pressure and likely to at least shrink.Continue reading…

Five Truths About Health Insurance: Public, Private, or Cooperative

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In the debate over whether health reform legislation should include a public plan or cooperative, too much has been said about the general objectives of such an approach – expanded choice, level playing field, benchmark for competition, etc. – and too little has been said about the specific objectives of such an approach – affordable premiums, high quality care, accountability.  Here are five specific truths about any insurance plan, private, public, or cooperative.  The reform debate must reconcile itself to these truths.

First, health plans succeed when they attract and retain members.  People join a health insurance plan because it meets their needs for cost, quality, access, and satisfaction.  Is the premium affordable, and are the copayments manageable?  Does the plan have a high-quality network of providers?  Will I have to wait to see a specialist? Will I be subject to a number of complicated rules and requirements?   Ultimately, a public plan or cooperative will succeed or fail based on consumers’ perception of the plan’s value proposition.

Second, to make the premiums affordable, the cost of medical care needs to be affordable.  All health plans must find a way to manage medical spending, and there are only three ways to manage spending:  reduce the amount paid to providers; reduce the volume of services through utilization controls or provider payments that encourage efficiency; or contract only with efficient providers who deliver high-quality, low-cost care.  A public plan or cooperative will need to decide how it manages payment levels, volume, and contracted providers.

Third, any health insurance plan needs to establish a payment strategy for providers.  Most private plans negotiate individual rates for each hospital and physician, with some beginning to experiment with bundles of services and episodes of care.  Medicare and Medicaid set payment levels through legislation and regulation.  A public plan or cooperative faces a critical choice:  reliance on negotiation or base payments on some fraction or multiple of existing Medicare rates.  Under the former strategy, a public plan or cooperative would face significant operational challenges in contracting successfully with adequate numbers of willing providers; under the latter, the public plan or cooperative faces significant resistance from physicians and hospitals, many of whom may decline to participate at payment levels they deem inadequate.

Fourth, health plans struggle to manage the volume of services provided to consumers.  Because total spending equals price multiplied by quantity, managing volume is critical to affordable premiums.  Medicare has never managed volume, instead relying on payment levels alone to control overall cost.  Private plans employ a mix of strategies to manage volume, including explicit controls using nurses to approve or deny requested services, as well as implicit controls, such as paying capitated rates, which require providers to manage to a fixed budget.  A public plan or cooperative will either embrace the private sector’s volume control strategies or limit itself to managing cost using only price levers.

Fifth, insurance plans that attract high-quality, highly efficient hospitals and physicians tend to offer lower premiums than those that contract with all providers.  Many private plans seek to steer patients to the high-quality, lower- cost providers in their networks.  A public plan or cooperative will need either to limit its network to high-quality, efficient providers or open its doors to all comers.  Either choice is challenging:  contracting with some but not all providers implies a degree of selectivity that would create a number of due process issues for a public plan; contracting with everyone makes it more difficult for the public plan to offer affordable premiums.

Expanding access to an additional 50 million Americans requires affordable insurance options, which requires managing medical costs.  These costs are determined by the interaction of the payment for a given service, the number of those services provided, and the quality and efficiency of the providers delivering care.  Private plan proponents, public plan proponents, and those advocating for a cooperative plan approach alike must answer three fundamental questions:

  1. Will the plan set payment levels for providers via negotiation or fiat?
  2. How will the plan influence the volume of services provided?
  3. How does the plan contract with efficient providers?

Answered, these three questions have the potential to clarify the debate and discussion over what kinds of health plans should be offered to Americans; unasked and unanswered, we will continue to talk past one another as the clock ticks.

Jon Glaudemans, Senior Vice President at Avalere Health, is an expert on a wide array of Medicare, Medicaid, and hospital/plan issues. Jon has more than 25 years of senior leadership experience in health insurance, managed care, policy issues management, and public affairs.  In his various professional engagements, Jon has worked closely with boards of directors, hospital chief executive officers, and key corporate and public sector leaders to develop and implement business strategies and public policy reforms designed to improve healthcare delivery and financing at the national, state, and local levels. Jon holds a B.A. in Political Science from M.I.T. and a M.P.A. in Economics from Princeton University.