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“Health Care” vs. “Healthcare” Signals Change Greater Than Grammar

By MICHAEL MILLENSON

The New Yorker House Style Joins The Internet Age” announced the magazine’s daily newsletter under the byline of Andrew Boynton, whose appropriately old-fashioned title was “Head of Copy.” Among the alterations Boynton acknowledged readers might feel “long overdue,” were “Internet” becoming “internet,” “Web site” consolidating to “website” and “cell phone” becoming “cellphone.” Other quirky spellings (teen-ager, per cent, etc.) were deliberately retained.

But what about “health care” vs. “healthcare”?

A New York Times interview described Boynton as “tight-lipped” about the style changes, which came as the publication celebrated its 100th anniversary year. When I nonetheless sought to discover whether a descriptor central to a massive chunk of the U.S. economy was more like a cellphone or a “teen-ager,” the magazine graciously responded.

“’Health care’ is our style,” a spokesperson wrote me in an email. “There has not been any discussion of diverging from this.” 

Not even a discussion? This was shocking news! But as I dug deeper, it seemed to me that the choice of the one-word versus two-word term often sent an underlying signal about the evolution of not just language, but of health care as both a profession and an industry.

Debating Evolution

Back in 2012, after I dived into the “health care vs. healthcare” debate for The Health Care Blog, my friend and colleague, the determinedly data-driven David Muhlestein, PhD, JD, accused me of ignoring language evolution by insisting on the “two words” usage. He eventually presented me with Google searches showing that the ratio of uses of the one-word to the two-word term ineluctably indicated “health care” was going the way of “Web site.”

When I solicited a 2025 update, Muhlestein obliged with a Google trends graph tracing relative usage since 2004.

 Apart from a brief time that “health care” was more prevalent as discussion of the Affordable Care Act dominated the news, the preference for “healthcare” has steadily strengthened. “As of now, people use the one-word version more than twice as often as two words,” Muhlestein wrote in an email. 

He added, “You can’t predict how language will evolve, you just have to go with what it is, and for the U.S., healthcare is definitely going to one word.”

Perhaps. But even a cursory qualitative analysis suggests a more nuanced picture than volume alone provides. After poking into the preferences of publications, corporations, the U.S. government and others, I decided that a 2022 April Fool’s column in Health Affairs actually provided a rough guide to understanding many usage decisions.

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It’s Money That Changes Everything (Or Doesn’t) For Surgeons

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By MICHAEL MILLENSON

Money changes everything,” Cyndi Lauper famously sang about love to a pulsating rock ‘n’ roll beat. So, too, when it comes to financial incentives for surgeons, two new studies suggest, although “How much money?” and “What do I have to do?” are the keys to unlocking monetary motivation.

The first study, a JAMA research letter, examined the impact of a new Medicare billing code for abdominal hernia repair that paid surgeons more if the hernia measured at least 3 centimeters in size. Previously, “size was not linked to hernia reimbursement,” noted University of Michigan researchers.

Surprise! The percentage of patients said to have smaller, lower-payment hernias dropped from 60% to 49% in just one year. Were “small hernia” patients being denied care? Nope. Were surgeons perhaps more precise in measuring hernia size? Maybe. Or possibly, wrote the researchers in careful academic language, “the coding change may have induced surgeons to overestimate hernia size.” Ambiguous tasks, they added, “can be conducive to perceptive [cq] bias and potentially even dishonest behavior, perhaps more so with financial incentives at play.”

This being an academic publication, two footnotes informed us that dangling money in front of our eyes can cause people to “see what you want to see” and come up with an “elastic justification” for truth.

If a simple coding change can apparently boost the number of large-hernia patients by 18% in just one year, what about a payment incentive meant to induce more urologists to follow the medical evidence on low-risk prostate cancer and adopt “active surveillance” (formerly known as “watchful waiting”), rather putting patients through a painful and expensive regimen of biopsies and surgery?

A second study, also in Michigan, involved commercial and Medicare-age members of the state’s Blue Cross and Blue Shield plan. However, after three years and more than 15,000 patients, “the payment incentive was not associated with increased surveillance use among patients with low-risk disease,” researchers concluded in a JAMA Network Open article.

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My Totally Wrong, Expert Predictions for Health Care 2025

By MICHAEL MILLENSON

January

In a blistering commentary, the American Medical Association’s flagship journal, JAMA, condemns the corrosive effect on patient care of the profit-seeking practices of health insurers. Separately, the organization announces that it’s selling the 13 journals in its JAMA Network to a private equity firm for $375 million “in order to enhance our mission of promoting the betterment of public health.”

February

Quickly following up on a campaign pledge to slash the federal budget, the Trump administration announces a radical consolidation of various entities at the Department of Health and Human Services. The new organization will be known as the Agency and Bureau for Children, Drugs, Explosives, Firearms, Families and Food (ABCDEFFF). Reflecting the new president’s strong personal preferences, “alcohol” will no longer be permitted in any agency name.

March

Bipartisan legislation demanding transparency from Pharmacy Benefit Managers dies in committee after industry executives explain that secret rebates to PBMs are like secret political action committee contributions to politicians: they allow you to loudly proclaim you’re an “advocate” for those supposedly paying you while actually serving the interests of those who are really paying you.

April

Pfizer announces that its once-a-day pill version of the wildly successful GLP-1 agonist weight loss drugs will shortly be submitted for government approval, and also that the company is moving its headquarters from New York to Louisiana, a state with a 40 percent obesity rate. Coincidentally, Louisiana is also the home state of Republican senators Cassidy and Kennedy, senior members of the Senate committees overseeing health care and all federal appropriations.

May

The new private equity owners of the JAMA Network say that all staff except one editor at each journal will be replaced by ChatGPT. A source at the private equity firm tells the Wall Street Journal that OpenAI won out over Gemini “because our CEO is a Leo” and over Claude “because nobody likes the French.”

June

Controversial right-wing firebrand Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, long the subject of rumors that she’s had cosmetic surgery, is diagnosed with a serious infection after an unspecified procedure. The House quickly schedules its first hearing on medical error in over two decades, but then cancels when the American Hospital Association points out the official term for what the Georgia Republican contracted was a “healthcare-associated infection,” so it’s entirely possible she accidentally brought the infection with her to the pristine hospital. Meanwhile, with House leadership telling Members they were free to vote their conscience, a resolution to send Greene a “Get Well” card passes unanimously after deletion of the word, “Soon.”

July

Following through on years of promises to reveal a “really great” replacement for the Affordable Care Act, President Trump on July 4 announces the “100-100-100” Make America Healthy Again plan. In keeping with the GOP’s advocacy for “skinny” plans with low premiums that encourage “consumers” to “comparison shop,” the plan will cover 100 percent of any medical bill for up to $100 a day for a premium of just $100 a month. Separately, Elon Musk tells a meeting of health insurance executives the plan can also replace both Medicare and Medicaid, enabling the federal government to cut spending by almost as much as the market capitalization of Tesla.

August

Before Congress recesses, a coalition of progressive organizations issues a press release declaring that all basic health services, whether provided by government agencies or the private sector, should be “available to the entire population according to its needs.” Shortly afterwards, the coalition is forced to make an embarrassing retraction after ChatGPT alerts the lone editor of JAMA that the coalition accidentally re-released a section of the report of the Committee on the Costs of Medical Care, formed in 1927.

September

The Business Roundtable says its members are committed to improving the quality of health care for all employees because “quality health care is good business.” An 85-year-old freelancer for The New York Times notes that this was the exact title of a September, 1997 policy paper by a Roundtable task force in which an executive for Sears, which at the time operated over 3,500 stores, declares, “We believe that quality health care is lower-cost health care.” Sears currently has about a dozen stores.

October

Medicare Advantage plans step up their advertising expenditures after public opinion polls show that nobody anymore believes the portrayal of happy and healthy seniors playing pickleball instead of writing tear-soaked letters pleading for approval of hip surgery. The trade associations for hospitals, drug and device companies and PBMs call on Congress to provide greater oversight of greedy insurers. The editor of JAMA resigns after ChatGPT writes an editorial extolling the merits of MA plans run by for-profit companies.

November

The National Rural Health Association says that in the spirit of the Thanksgiving holiday, its members will accept live turkeys in partial payment of the medical debts that now affect 99.99 percent of all Americans after passage of the administration’s “100-100-100” Make America Healthy Again plan. A KFF survey explains that the number is not 100 percent because Congress retained conventional health insurance for itself and top federal officials and because America’s billionaires had opted for self-pay.

December

A Washington Post editorial declares, “The bottom line is that if we want to contain spending, we will have to make critical choices about how care is delivered, to whom, and under what conditions.” Different chatbots differ on where that quote originally came from, but agree that if any humans believe the American public is ready to make critical choices, they’re hallucinating.

Michael L. Millenson is president of Health Quality Advisors & a regular THCB Contributor

THCB Gang Episode 148, Monday December 16

Joining Matthew Holt on #THCBGang on Monday December 16 at 1pm PST 4pm EST are patient safety expert Michael Millenson, physician, entrepreneur and technologist Shantanu Nundy; and Digital Health and Emerging Med-Tech Practice Co-Founder at Marsh & McLennan, Beracah Stortvedt.

You can see the video below live (and later archived) & if you’d rather listen than watch, the audio is preserved as a weekly podcast available on our iTunes & Spotify channels.

THCB Gang Episode 147, Thursday December 5

Joining Matthew Holt (@boltyboy) on #THCBGang on Thursday December 5 at 1pm PST 4pm EST are patient safety expert Michael Millenson, patient advocate & entrepreneur Robin Farmanfarmaian; futurist Jeff Goldsmith; and employer & care consultant Brian Klepper.

You can see the video below live (and later archived) & if you’d rather listen than watch, the audio is preserved as a weekly podcast available on our iTunes & Spotify channels.

Medicare’s Hidden Information Hurts People & Policy

By MICHAEL MILLENSON

Open enrollment season for Medicare, which began Oct. 15 and ends Dec. 7, triggers a deluge of information about various options. Since I’m a health care consultant and researcher as well as a Medicare beneficiary, I’ve looked critically at what we’re told and what we’re not. Unfortunately, information crucial both for the individual and for the broader policy goal of moving toward a “value-based” care system is often difficult to find or not available at all.

The most glaring example involves Medicare Advantage, the increasingly popular insurer-run plans that are an alternative to traditional fee-for-service Medicare. Plans receive a quality grade from one to five stars from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. Those grades are designed to incentivize providing the highest quality care for the money ­— the very definition of “value.” A high grade triggers both a boost in payment from Medicare and a boost in enrollment. Not surprisingly, almost three-quarters of people chose a plan with a 4-, 4.5- or 5-star rating, according to CMS.

Those ratings, however, should come with a large asterisk attached. It’s not just that the methodology can be controversial, particularly when a lower grade is meted out. It’s that the star ratings aren’t anchored in geography, as one would naturally expect; i.e., the rating is for the plan offered in my area. What is colloquially called a “five-star plan” is actually a plan that’s part of a five-star Medicare contract ­­— and those two typically are not the same thing.

For instance, one large insurer contract that I tracked included at least 17 plans scattered across the country. It defies common sense to believe that care quality is identical among plans in, say, Rhode Island, Mississippi, Illinois, Colorado, and California just because they all share the same government contract number.

If you’re wondering who benefits from this not-very-transparent transparency, some insurers have been known to improve the rating of a low-performing plan with a small number of members by merging it into a contract with more members and a higher rating.

In 2024, nearly 33 million people, or 54% of Medicare beneficiaries, were enrolled in an MA plan, according to KFF (formerly the Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF expects that number to increase to nearly 36 million in 2025. It’s a long-accepted truism that “All health care is local.” Medicare beneficiaries deserve local plan information.

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THCB Gang Episode 143, Friday November 8

Joining Matthew Holt (@boltyboy) on #THCBGang on Friday November 8 are THCB regular writer and ponderer of odd juxtapositions Kim Bellard (@kimbbellard); Principal of Worksite Health Advisors Brian Klepper (@bklepper1); patient safety expert and all around wit Michael Millenson (@mlmillenson); and digital health investment banker Steven Wardell (@StevenWardell). There may well be a discussion about an election.

You can see the video below live (and later archived) & if you’d rather listen than watch, the audio is preserved as a weekly podcast available on our iTunes & Spotify channels.

Why We Still Kill Patients (And What We Need to Stop Doing It)

By MICHAEL MILLENSON

This article is adapted from a talk given Sept. 7 at the 11th Annual World Patient Safety, Science & Technology Summit in Irvine, California, sponsored by the Patient Safety Movement Foundation. World Patient Safety Day is Sept. 17, with a series of events in Washington, D.C. from Sept. 15-17 sponsored by Patients for Patient Safety (US). An agenda and registration, which is free, can be found here.

Since I started researching and writing about patient safety, one question has continually haunted me: given the grievous toll of death and injury from preventable medical harm that has been documented in the medical literature for at least 50 years, why have so many good and caring people – friends, family, colleagues – done so little to stop it?

To frame that question with brutal candor: Why do we still kill patients? And how do we change that? The answer, I believe, lies in addressing three key factors: Invisibility, inertia and income.”

When it comes to invisibility, we’ve all heard innumerable times the analogy with airline safety; i.e., plane crashes occur in public view, but the toll taken by medical error occurs in private. That’s true and important, but there are other factors that promote invisibility that we in the patient safety movement need to address.

For instance, while I’m not a physician, I can say with certainty that every patient harmed in the hospital had a diagnosis (right or wrong), and often more than one. Yet disease groups such as the American Heart Association and American Cancer Society have been uninvolved in efforts to eliminate the preventable harm that’s afflicting their presumed constituents.

Why have we let these influential groups sit on the sidelines rather than make them integral partners in raising public and policy visibility? For instance, there are a number of Congressional caucuses – bipartisan groups of legislators – focusing on cancer. While much attention is paid to the Biden administration’s cancer moonshot, what about the safety of cancer patients treated today, while we wait for an elusive cure?

In a similar vein about missed opportunities for visibility, the stories told by patient advocates about the harm a loved one has suffered are always powerful. However, the specific hospital where the harm took place is typically not mentioned, perhaps for legal reasons, perhaps because it’s become a habit. The effect, however, is to dilute the visibility of the danger. The public is not confronted with the uncomfortable reality that my reputable hospital and doctor in a nice, middle-class area could cause me the same awful harm.

Finally, one time-tested way to hide a problem is to use obscure language to describe it. Back in 1978, RAND Corporation published a paper provocatively entitled, “Iatrogenesis: Just What the Doctor Ordered.” It concluded: “In terms of volume alone, we are awash in iatrogenesis.”  

That would have been a compelling soundbite decades before the 1999 To Err is Human report if everyone in America studied ancient Greek. “Iatrogenesis” is a Greek term meaning “the production of disease by the manner, diagnosis or treatment of a physician.” In short, patient harm is “what the doctor ordered.” Although there was plain English in the paper, the technical focus allowed the stunning prevalence of patient harm to remain publicly invisible.

Of course, today we don’t need to use a foreign language to hide unpleasantness. We can use jargon and euphemism. We have “healthcare-acquired conditions” and “healthcare-associated infections.” At least the Greek term acknowledged causality and responsibility.

The invisibility of the scope and causes of patient harm leads inevitably to inertia and complacency.

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Convention Invisibility Teaches A Crucial Health Policy Lesson

By MICHAEL MILLENSON

It’s close to an iron rule: Politics drives policy. In that context, the health policy issues that were largely invisible at the Republican and Democratic conventions taught a crucial political lesson.

Start with access. According to KFF (formerly the Kaiser Family Foundation), more than 25 million Americans have been disenrolled from Medicaid as of Aug. 23. Ten states, all dominated by Republican legislatures and/or governors, have declined to expand the program, leaving 2.8 million Americans unnecessarily uninsured.

Yet if you were looking to either convention to find protestors telling heart-rending personal stories to humanize those statistics, you’d search in vain. There were none.

The Poor People’s Army, a group advocating for economic justice, did invite reporters covering both conventions to focus on one of the most urgent issues facing the poor and near-poor – not medical care access, but the lack of basic housing.

Homelessness set a record in 2023, according to the National Alliance to End Homelessness, affecting one in 500 Americans, while the number of renters forced to pay more than 50 percent of their income has surged since 2015. The former is apparent on the streets of every big city, while the latter is felt by millions in every paycheck.

The political lesson is clear. While support for Medicaid expansion was buried deep in the Democratic platform, at the grassroots level there’s no sign of the kind of passionate involvement that could drive votes in a close election. Medicare, of course, is a separate issue, with both parties promising to protect the program dear to the hearts of the nation’s elderly, who have the highest percentage voting turnout of any age group.

Of course, even those with good health insurance often have to worry about medical costs, with KFF polling finding that a shocking 41% of U.S. adults have medical debt. However, although the phrase, “It’s the prices, stupid!” has become a bipartisan policy refrain, there are no swing state votes to be swung by harping on the alleged cupidity of the local hospital. So while denouncing “medical debt,” no one did.

On the other hand, Democrats spoke repeatedly about the depredations of “Big Pharma.” The GOP platform satisfied itself with a vague promise to “expand access to new…prescription drug options” to address prescription drug costs that “are out of control.” The responsibility for those prices was unspecified.

As for health insurers, articles about questionable denials of medical claims by giant insurers like United Healthcare and Humana have garnered headlines and expressions of outrage. Once again, however, the grassroots reaction is the key. There has been no outpouring of public indignation remotely comparable to the HMO backlash of the 1990s. As a result, health insurers have largely vacated the role of politically visible corporate villain.

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The Doctors Who’ve Helped Patients Declare Their Independence

By MICHAEL MILLENSON

“A reform,” wrote a 19th-century British parliamentarian, “is a correction of abuses. A revolution is a transfer of power.”

As we celebrate the American Revolution, catalyzed by men who broke ranks with their peers to overthrow a power structure that seemed immutable, let’s also celebrate those physicians who broke with their peers and declared independence for American patients.

The British Empire believed it was exercising “benign colonialism.” Physicians, similarly, traditionally believed “that patients are only in need of caring custody,” observed psychiatrist Jay Katz in his 1984 book, The Silent World of Doctor and Patient. As a result, doctors thought it their moral duty to act as “rational agents” on the patient’s behalf.

The first spark to set that notion on fire came immediately after World War II with the publication of a book, The Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care, that became a surprise best-seller. Dr. Benjamin McLane Spock, author and pediatrician, told parents that their common sense was often as reliable a guide as any doctor’s advice.

At the time, the American Medical Association’s Code of Medical Ethics advised physicians that “reasonable indulgence should be granted to the caprices of the sick.” Even though new moms were not ill, many pediatricians nonetheless deemed it entirely unreasonable for them to decide when to feed their babies. Instead, the doctors gave them given feeding schedules.

Spock, in contrast, reassured moms that centuries of human history showed they could decide for themselves when to feed their infant, doing so “when he seems hungry, irrespective of the hour.”

As I wrote in a history of participatory medicine, as those babies grew into adulthood, they “would use legal, economic and political pressure to undermine a medical culture that genuinely believed sharing too much information could be harmful.”

Along that journey, however, patients would acquire crucial help from doctors with the imagination and courage to think and to act outside the existing paradigm.

It wasn’t a quick process. As with the American Revolution, the abuses had to accumulate and resistance had to build. In 1970, a group of Boston feminists frustrated by a system that told them to listen to their doctor and not ask questions published a booklet entitled Women and Their Bodies. One year later, a court decision resulting from a malpractice case required physicians for the first time to specifically disclose the full risks of a procedure in language the patient could understand. A year after that, in 1973, what had become the Boston Women’s Health Collective published Our Bodies, Ourselves. The book has sold millions of copies.

Also in 1973, the American Hospital Association, facing the threat of Congressional action, adopted a “patient bill of rights” that contained such guarantees as patients having the right to know the names of all the physicians treating them!

Meanwhile, a handful of doctors started chipping away at the medical pedestal, with research uncovering common abuses of power like unnecessary tonsillectomies and hysterectomies. John Wennberg, working with colleagues who deployed nascent computer capabilities, demonstrated enormous variation in even the everyday practice of doctors in the same area seeing the same kind of patients. The “caprices” of judgment, it seemed, were not just a patient problem.

Peer-reviewed medical journals rejected Wennberg’s first article. The university where he worked pushed him to find a different employer. Physician colleagues shunned him. But as policymakers’ concern over soaring medical costs grew, Wennberg’s work went mainstream.

“Inevitably, once you start down the variation path and ask which rate is right, you come up against who’s making the decision and whose preferences are being reflected,” Wennberg later said. “That’s where the revolutionary aspects of what we’re doing really are.”

Following that logic, Wennberg and a fellow physician, Albert G. Mulley, Jr. – who had experienced the impact of practice variation when trying to treat his severe back pain – in 1989 formed the Foundation for Informed Medical Decision Making. Its mission was to develop and disseminate video programs enabling patients to become partners in their care.

It was Wennberg who recommended Katz’s book to me, with its extraordinary statements about doctor “fantasies” of “authoritarian control” and its blunt accusation that doctor’s reluctance to involve patients in jointly thinking about care choices constitutes psychological “abandonment.”

Like Wennberg, Paul Ellwood, who’d coined the term “health maintenance organization,” also tried to put shared decision-making into practice. In 1988, he called for adoption of “a technology of patient experience.” In 1995, he founded the Foundation for Accountability (FACCT), with tools such as “CompareYourCare” to help patients play a more active role in medical decisions.

Meanwhile, Harvey Picker, a successful businessman who said he wanted the health care system to treat patients as persons, not as “imbeciles or inventory,” joined with the Commonwealth Fund to support a group of researchers who promised to promote what Tom Delbanco, the lead physician, called “patient-centered care.” The group’s 1993 book, Through the Patient’s Eyes, helped popularize the concept, which a 2001 report by Institute of Medicine formally designated as one of six aims for the health care system

It was Delbanco who with colleagues in the first decade of the 21st century founded the “open notes” movement to give patients the right to see the doctor’s notes that were still a hidden part of the electronic health record. That push eventually led to legislation and regulations giving patients full access to all their EHR information.

But, of course, by then there was another doctor the public was increasingly turning to: “Dr. Google,” also known as “the Internet.” In 1996, Dr. Tom Ferguson, who had been medical editor of the Whole Earth Catalog, wrote a book entitled, Health Online: How to Find Health information, Support Groups, and Self-Help Communities in Cyberspace. Three years after his death in 2006, a group of physicians and patients would found the Society for Participatory Medicine, following the principles of an individual CNN would call the “George Washington of the empowered patient movement.”

None of these physician revolutionaries acted in a vacuum. While all faced resistance, they also had support from colleagues, physicians and non-physicians alike. Eventually, they were reinforced by patient activism, public opinion, legal requirements and, at a glacial pace, changes in the culture of medicine. Those changes, in turn, came about because of the work of physicians like Donald Berwick, Paul Batalden, Leana Wen, Victor Montori, Danny Sands and many others.

Still, it is those physicians who over the years repeatedly acted to free patients from “authoritarian control” – even if their language was more diplomatic – that blazed the path.

Michael L. Millenson is president of Health Quality Advisors LLC, and author of the classic Demanding Medical Excellence. He can be reached at michael@healthqualityadvisors.