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Category: Health Policy

When Drug Price Transparency Isn’t Enough

By KRISTINA SMITH & PHIYEN NGUYEN

Policymakers and advocates often promote drug price transparency to lower costs and improve equity. While transparency is an important first step toward accountability and informed public budgeting, it does not guarantee affordable prices or fair access to medicines.

Transparency Has Some Benefits

Drug price transparency helps show how and why medicines cost what they do along the supply chain (i.e., from the manufacturer to the pharmacy), which makes it easier to identify where costs can be reduced or better regulated. By making this information public, transparency allows patients, payers, and policymakers to make more informed decisions and encourage manufacturers to prices drugs more fairly. Ultimately, it supports a fairer system where patients can better afford and obtain the treatments they need, improving access to care.

States with Drug Transparency Laws

While federal policy to improve price transparency is lacking, the states have moved to make things clearer for patients and payers. Vermont was the first U.S. state to enact a drug price transparency law in 2016. Since then, many others have followed suit. At least 14 states have passed some version of transparency legislation, though the details and their enforcement of these laws differ widely.

For example, only Vermont and Maine require drug companies or insurers to disclose the actual prices paid after discounts (called the “net price”). Alternately, Oregon and Nevada require drug manufacturers to publicly report their profit to state government agencies. And Connecticut, Louisiana, and Nevada mandate pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) to report the total rebates they receive, but not the amounts for each specific drug. Despite these efforts, no state has yet achieved full transparency across the entire drug supply chain.

Transparency is Not Enough

Even with clear pricing, Americans still pay about 2.6 times more for prescription drugs than people in other wealthy countries. Early evidence suggests that these laws have done little to curb drug prices. To date, only four states – California, Maine, Minnesota, and Oregon – have published analyses of their own laws. These reports share common concerns: difficulty tracking pricing across the supply chain and uncertainty about whether state agencies have the authority (or the will) to act when data is incomplete or unreliable. 

Most transparency laws fall short on requiring detailed cost or profit data, focusing instead on broad price trends. As a result, this narrow scope makes it difficult to identify the exact drivers of high drug prices. Even when transparency discourages manufacturers from raising prices, these policies do not directly control pricing or define what constitutes an ‘unjustified’ price increase. Manufacturers can simply adjust by setting higher launch prices or implementing smaller, more frequent increases to stay below reporting thresholds. Still, the result is a system where drug costs can vary by as much as $719 for the same 30-day prescription even when prices are publicly listed.

What can also be done?

Creating a consistent national framework could replace the current patchwork of state laws and improve oversight of how drugs are priced. For example, the Drug Price Transparency in Medicaid Act (H.R. 2450) could do just that: it would standardize reporting requirements and reveal how drug prices are set, rebated, and reimbursed. But transparency alone can’t lower costs—it only shows the problem.

To make transparency meaningful, policymakers must address the underlying contracts and incentives that drive high prices.

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Struggling UnitedHealth Group is a Huge Smoking Black Box

By JEFF GOLDSMITH

In mid-April 2025, UnitedHealth Group (UNH) reported its 1Q25 operating results, including a modest shortfall in expected earnings and lowered its 2025 earnings forecast by 12%. The company blamed accelerating medical costs and federal policy changes for their most profitable service line, Medicare Advantage. Market reaction was swift and savage. UNH stock lost more than 22% in a single day. In May, United fired its CEO, Sir Andrew Witty and withdrew its earnings guidance for 2025, with the stock declining another 15%. Witty was followed out the door two months later by President and CFO John Rex, heir-apparent to longtime Chairman Stephen Hemsley.

Turns out, UNH’s market capitalization trajectory presaged the collapse in UNH’s 2025 cashflow. UNH’s projected cashflow from operations is now expected fall to be half of its 2025 forecast- a breathtaking $16 billion shortfall. In multiple investor calls, the new/old CEO Stephen Hemsley and his new crew have not come remotely close to explaining where the $16 billion went. Struggling UnitedHealth Group is one gigantic smoking black box.

2024 was a nightmare year for the company, beginning with the massive Change Healthcare cyberattack in February and concluding with the brutal killing of their senior health insurance executive, Brian Thompson, in November. It is clear in hindsight that business fundamentals for UNH’s health insurance and care delivery businesses deteriorated sharply during 2024, and its senior leadership were scrambling to repair the damage.

Health insurers across the country are experiencing record operating challenges. However, UNH’s business model enhanced their vulnerability. UNH had spent $118 billion in just five years (2019-2023) buying profitable smaller companies, almost all of which ended up inside of their enormous Optum subsidiary. These acquisitions included: multi-specialty physician groups, ambulatory surgery and urgent care, business intelligence/business process outsourcing and claims management companies.

These businesses are closely intertwined with United’s legacy health insurance business. In order to reach estimated $445 billion in total 2025 UNH revenues, one has to eliminate $165 billion in intercompany revenue flows (Examples- purchases of services by Optum Health from its consulting arm, OptumInsight, or purchase of health services from Optum Health by United Healthcare, UNH’s insurance business).

The company’s nearly fifty year old health insurance business had been a reliable 5.5-6% operating margin generator. However, in 2025, it will produce only a 3% operating margin. However, UNH’s incremental revenues and earnings growth for the past decade have not come from health insurance, but have been produced by Optum, whose revenues were growing much faster than its health insurance business.

Several pieces of Optum have also been far more profitable than United Healthcare itself. Optum Health grew into a $100 billion business (before eliminations), and used to earn an 10% operating margin. In 2025, that margin will be more like 2.5%. Optum Insight, a $19 billion business (before eliminations), which used to earn a sizzling 28% operating margin will be lucky to earn 8% in 2025. The complex interpenetration of Optum and United Healthcare’s businesses makes it impossible to gauge the seriousness of the company’s operating problems.

Optum Health appears to be a major source of the smoke, but it is impossible to tell from the skimpy disclosures where exactly the fire is.

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Support your neighborhood scientist

By KIM BELLARD

These are, it must be said, grim times for American science. Between the Trump budget cuts, the Trump attacks on leading research universities, and the normalization of misinformation/ disinformation, scientists are losing their jobs, fleeing to other countries, or just trying to keep their heads down in hopes of being able to just, you know, keep doing science.

But some scientists are fighting back, and more power to them. Literally.

Lest you think I’m being Chicken Little, warning prematurely that the sky is falling, there continue to be warning signs. Virginia Gewin, writing in Nature, reports Insiders warn how dismantling federal agencies could put science at risk. A former EPA official told her: “It’s not just EPA. Science is being destroyed across many agencies.” Even worse, one former official warned: “Now they are starting to proffer misinformation and putting a government seal on it.”  

A third researcher added: “The damage to the next generation of scientists is what I worry the most about. I’ve been advising students to look for other jobs.”

It’s not just that students are looking for jobs outside of the government. Katrina Northrop and Rudy Lu write in The Washington Post about the brain drain going to China. “Over the past decade,” they say, “there has been a rush of scholars — many with some family connection to China — moving across the Pacific, drawn by Beijing’s full-throttle drive to become a scientific superpower.” They cite 50 tenure track scholars of Chinese descent who have left U.S. universities for China. Most are in STEM fields.

“The U.S. is increasingly skeptical of science — whether it’s climate, health or other areas,” Jimmy Goodrich, an expert on Chinese science and technology at theUniversity of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, told them. “While in China, science is being embraced as a key solution to move the country forward into the future.”

They note how four years ago the U.S. spent four times as much in R&D than China, whereas now the spending is basically even, at best.

I keep in mind the warning of Dan Wang, a research fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution:

Think about it this way: China is an engineering state, which treats construction projects and technological primacy as the solution to all of its problems, whereas the United States is a lawyerly society, obsessed with protecting wealth by making rules rather than producing material goods.

We’ve seen what a government of lawyers does, creating laws and regulations that protect big corporations and the ultra-rich, while making everything so complex that, voila, more lawyers are needed. Maybe it’s time to see what a government of scientists could do.

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A Failure to Rescue: How Predictive Modeling Can Rewrite the Story of Congenital Syphilis

By KAYLA KELLY

Every semester I have the privilege of guiding nursing students through their maternal and pediatric clinicals. At the beginning of the semester, their enthusiasm is contagious. They share stories about witnessing their first delivery, helping a new mother with breastfeeding, and practicing developmental assessments on pediatric patients. As the semester progresses, I see their demeanor shift. “You were right, we took care of another congenital syphilis baby today.” Their reflections on the clinical day are a mixture of emotions: frustration, anger, and sadness, as they watch fragile infants fighting an infection that no child should ever have to endure.

When I first tell my nursing students that they will likely care for infants born with syphilis during their clinical rotations, they look at me with wide-eyed disbelief. “Didn’t we cure syphilis in the 1950’s?” some ask. A few of my students usually recall hearing about the Tuskegee Study, but most have no idea that we are still fighting (and losing) a battle against congenital syphilis in the United States today. 

Congenital syphilis occurs when a mother transmits the infection to her infant during pregnancy or delivery. It is almost entirely preventable with timely screening and treatment, yet the number of cases continues to rise at an alarming rate. Between 2018 and 2022, the United States experienced a 183% increase in congenital syphilis cases, rising from 1,328 cases to 3,769. This national trend was mirrored at the state level, with Texas reporting 179 cases in 2017 and 922 in 2022. During those five years, the rate of infants born with congenital syphilis in Texas rose from 46.9 to 236.6 per 100,000 live births, a sharp increase that necessitates action.

Texas now has one of the highest congenital syphilis rates in the country, despite having one of the most comprehensive prenatal screening laws. According to the Texas Department of State Health Services, policy mandates syphilis screening at three points during pregnancy:

(1) at the first prenatal visit

(2) the third trimester (but no earlier than 28 weeks)

(3) at delivery

But herein lies the problem: What happens when a woman never attends prenatal care? How do we reach those who never step into an OB/GYN office during pregnancy? Screening laws only protect those who are able to access care. In 2022, over 1/3 of Texas mothers whose infants were diagnosed with congenital syphilis did not receive any prenatal care. Each of these cases represents a failure of our current medical system, a system that should be protecting the most vulnerable yet remains unable to reach those who need it most.

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When Your Cloud Provider Doesn’t Understand HIPAA: A Cautionary Tale

By JACOB REIDER & JODI DANIEL

Jacob: I recently needed to sign a Business Associate Agreement (BAA) with one of the large hosting providers for a new health IT project. What should have been straightforward turned into a multi-week educational exercise about basic HIPAA compliance. And when I say “basic,” I mean really basic, like the definitions in the statute itself.

Here’s what happened and why you need to watch out for this if you’re building health care technology.

I’m building a system that automates clinical data extraction for research studies. Like any responsible health care tech company, I need HIPAA-compliant infrastructure. The company (I’ll call them Hosting Company or HC) is good technically, and they’re hosting our development environment, so I signed up for their enhanced support plan (which they require before they’ll even consider a BAA) and requested their standard agreement.

The Problem

HC’s BAA assumes every customer is a “Covered Entity.” That means a health plan, a health care clearinghouse, or a health care provider that transmits health information electronically.

But that’s not me. I’m not a Covered Entity. I’m a Business Associate (BA). I handle protected health information on behalf of Covered Entities. When I need cloud infrastructure, I need my vendors to sign subcontractor BAAs with me.

The Back and Forth

When I told HC that I couldn’t sign their BAA as written, they escalated to their legal department. Days later, a team lead came back with this response:

“To HC, even if you are a subcontracted or a down the line subcontracted association. It would still be an agreement between the covered entity within the agreement and HC… So even being a business associate, it would still be considered a covered entity since it is your business that is being covered.”

I had to read it twice. This is simply wrong.

Jodi: Let me chime in here with the legal perspective, because this confusion is more common than it should be.

The terms “Covered Entity” and “Business Associate” aren’t interchangeable marketing terms. They have specific legal definitions in 45 CFR § 160.103. You can’t just redefine them because it’s administratively convenient. Generally… covered entities are (most) health care providers, health plans, and health care clearinghouses; business associates are those entities that have access to protected health information to perform services on behalf of covered entities; and subcontractors are persons to whom a business associate delegates a function, activity, or service.

Here’s what the regulations actually say:

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Sachin Jain–How do we do better?

What are the practices that we have normalized that future generations will criticize us for? Sachin Jain, CEO of SCAN Health Plan, is perhaps the leading truth teller in health care who also runs a real health care organization. I had a really fun but serious interview with Sachin about what health care people are doing, what are the bad things that happen. How are good people letting this happen? How we should be changing what we are doing?–Matthew Holt

Hospitals are Incompetent Monopolists!

By JEFF GOLDSMITH

The health policy community is obsessed with hospital mergers. In a recent paper which I critiqued, the operating thesis was that hospital mergers are conspiracies in restraint of trade, enabling hospitals to extract rent from helpless local employers and patients. This logic leads directly to advocacy (lavishly funded by Arnold Ventures philanthropy) of hospital rate controls as the only way of restraining this abuse of economic power.

The reality is, as you might expect, somewhat different. The following chart, courtesy of healthcare data firm Trilliant Health, shows that hospitals are truly incompetent monopolists. It shows the correlation between hospital operating margins and market concentration for 2023. The hospitals to the far right in this chart have 100% local market shares.

Source: Trilliant Healthcare Analysis of CMS HCRIS files (Hospital Cost Reports), 2023

Do you see a correlation? I sure don’t.

According to Trilliant, the average hospital operating margin in 336 CBSAs (markets) where hospital services are “controlled by a single firm” is -1.7%.This negative operating margin average does NOT include the operating losses on their physician practices, which are not reported on hospital cost reports, so the actual operating losses are likely much greater.

Jeff Goldsmith is a veteran health care futurist, President of Health Futures Inc and regular THCB Contributor. This comes from his personal substack

The ‘After Phase’ Is Missing: Why Every GLP-1 Prescription Needs an Exit

By HOLLI BRADISH-LANE

I’ve seen clients start GLP-1 medications full of hope—and stop them feeling betrayed by their own biology.

Some reached their limit with side effects: relentless nausea, fatigue, or the quiet loss of joy in eating. Others simply couldn’t afford to stay on. A few never saw the promised results at all. But for nearly all of them, the story ended the same way—one step forward, five steps back.

We celebrate the success stories of GLP-1s, but we rarely talk about the crash that follows when treatment stops. And it’s not just psychological. The body rebounds fast—hunger, weight, and metabolic chaos rush back in.

The problem isn’t the medication itself. It’s that we’ve built an elegant on-ramp for GLP-1s—and almost no off-ramp at all.

The Evidence Is Already Warning Us

The data couldn’t be clearer. In the STEP-1 extension trial, participants who stopped semaglutide regained roughly two-thirds of the weight they had lost within one year. Their blood pressure, cholesterol, and blood-sugar levels slid back toward baseline.

A nearly identical pattern appeared in the SURMOUNT-4 trial for tirzepatide: those who continued therapy maintained—or even deepened—their weight loss; those who stopped rapidly regained.

Meanwhile, the SELECT cardiovascular outcomes trial showed semaglutide reduced major cardiac events in people with overweight and obesity. That’s a major win—but also a reminder that stopping abruptly can erase much of the benefit.

Both the American Diabetes Association 2025 Standards of Care and the American Gastroenterological Association guidelines now emphasize continuing anti-obesity pharmacotherapy beyond initial weight loss goals.

The implication is simple: for most patients, GLP-1s are not a 12-week intervention—they’re chronic therapy.

Yet in real life, chronic use isn’t always realistic.

Why So Many Will Stop Anyway

Insurance coverage ends. Supplies run short. A job changes, or a deductible resets. Some patients plan a pregnancy, experience intolerable side effects, or simply want to know who they are without the injection. Others plateau despite perfect adherence and feel the drug has stopped working.

In each case, the result is the same… withdrawal without a plan.

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A Comprehensive Examination of Primary Care Disparities in California: Navigating the Abyss

By SUHANA MISHRA

Residing in the often overlooked San Joaquin Valley, I’ve personally felt the impact of the shortage of primary care physicians. My family struggled to access basic medical attention for common illnesses like the flu. Getting local doctor appointments wasn’t just difficult—it often meant resorting to urgent care or driving long distances for simple treatments. Non-emergency issues that could have been resolved with accessible primary care instead overwhelmed urgent care centers, which often had long wait times and suboptimal conditions. These firsthand experiences revealed just how critical primary care access is for our community. They also sparked my passion for change. Leading a HOSA community service campaign on California’s physician shortage gave me a clearer view of the systemic nature of the issue—and fueled my determination to seek long-term solutions.

California, despite being a hub of innovation, faces a severe and growing deficit in primary care access. Nowhere is this more apparent than in regions like the San Joaquin Valley. Long travel distances, physician burnout, and systemic neglect manifest in community-wide health decline. A UCSF study reported that only two regions in California meet the federally recommended threshold of 60–80 primary care physicians per 100,000 residents. The San Joaquin Valley, predictably, falls far below this benchmark.

While programs like the Steven M. Thompson Physician Corps Loan Repayment Program attempt to incentivize doctors to practice in underserved areas, the impact is limited. According to CapRadio, a third of California’s doctors are over 55 and nearing retirement. CalMatters estimates that by 2030, the state will be short more than 10,000 primary care physicians. The implications are dire—not only for logistics and care delivery, but also for the long-term health outcomes of Californians.

When patients face barriers to consistent care, chronic conditions go unmanaged.

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Concierge Care for all: What would it look like?

By MATTHEW HOLT

A few weeks back I wrote an article on what’s wrong with primary care and how we should fix it. The tl:dr version was to give every American a concierge primary care physician paid for by the government. We would give everyone a $2k voucher (on average, dependent on age, medical status, location, etc) and have an average panel of 600 people per PCP.

My argument was that a) this would be cheaper than health care now – due to cutting back on Emergency Department visits and inpatient admissions and that b) it would enable us to pay PCPs the same as specialists (roughly $500K a year). This would mean that many current ED docs, internists, hospitalists etc would convert to being PCPs. I also think that we could and would make better use of the now 400,000 nurse practitioners in the US. We would only need about 600,000 PCPs to make this work. Although it would double spending on primary care, it would reduce health care costs overall. (OK there’s some debate about this but the Milliman study linked above and common sense suggests it would save money).

There are obviously two huge issues with my proposal. First we would have to go through the conversion process. Second, we would have to do something big with the three major players who are sucking at the teat of health care $$ right now—those being big hospital systems and their associated specialists, health insurers, and pharma and device companies.

I don’t think that there will be any problem selling this to most doctors or to the American people.

The doctors know that they are trapped in the current system. This would free them to practice as they want to practice, and to remember why they got into medicine in the first place—to care for their patients holistically.

People know all too well that accessing primary care is both good for them and also very difficult. Wait lists are way too long. In this system primary care would be abundant. And I and many others have only horror stories of how big hospital systems, insurers and big pharma treat them badly. They would much rather have an empowered PCP on their side.

The only concern about primary care for patients is if the PCP is incented to not refer them to needed specialty care. In my system there would be no global capitation or risk to the PCP, and thus no incentive not to refer out. But no reason to refer out unnecessarily. They would do the right thing because it is the right thing. (It has taken Jeff Goldsmith 30 years to convince me of this). So there would be no need for insurance companies to manage primary care at all. No claims, no bills, no utilization management. Instead we should have 600,000 primary care docs paid well and able to manage their practices to do the right thing.

And this would probably involve a ton of variation. There would be PCPs who work in groups. There would be solo. There would be those specializing in specific types of patients (think kids or people with serious diseases or geriatricians). They would all make the same amount of salary but their practice’s revenue and number of patients would be adjusted in a similar way to how we do risk adjustment for Medicare Advantage now, but without the games, and with no profit motive.

This system would create a lot of innovation. PCPs would be responsible for those with chronic conditions. They would have budget from the $2,000 per head (of which they would get roughly $800 as income) to build remote monitoring programs, to use AI, to build teams of assistants and nurses et al.

So can it be done in the US? Yes it already has. I urge you to take the time to read this ingenious ChatGPT summary of the Nuka system in Alaska. (I believe created by Steve Schutzer MD). Nuka went from being a hidebound bureaucratic expensive system–that its patients hated–to being a system with culturally appropriate care that its “consumer-owners” love today. And its costs are lower and outcomes better. There are lots of other examples of similar approaches across the US.  Just ask Dave Chase. They just haven’t scaled because the current incumbents have killed them.  (One great example is this case in Texas where a hospital chain bought and killed a big primary care group led by Scott Conard because it was costing them $100m a year in reduced hospital FFS admissions).

What we need is to set up the incentives, prod doctors and patients hard to get into these arrangements and let American ingenuity and medical professionalism go at it.

The other side of the equation is the need to reign in the costs of specialty and hospital care. How this would happen is up for debate.

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